modi is a postmodernist ???1?
- consciencecollecti0
- Jun 18, 2024
- 4 min read
A little while ago, the Polish philosopher Slavok Zizek, argued that one can read Donald Trump’s public personality as a postmodernism phenomenon. Particularly radical in this statement was the suggestion that a neo-conservative right-wing populist leader could be in any way connected to the postmodernists, considered by many to be the “extreme” left where all morality, law and order breaks down.
Well, the results are in, and Narendra Modi is confirmed to be the PM for a 3rd term. The specific coalition based political nature of his tenure will probably play an impact on his public persona (see Jai Shri Ram to Jai Jagannath, 2024). After all, the RSS-BJP combine does not only wish for your vote, but for complete ideological dominance- which India has rejected. Nevertheless, the man, the myth, the legend still remains an ever-important figure. Especially withing the "anti-woke" circles. This article is for that persona.
Modi like Trump, is emblematic of the political right. Supporters often laud him for speaking against the so called 'leftist', 'liberal' opposition parties. In fact, remarking upon conservative resurgence globally, many point to the BJP government as a prime example. Modi's political rhetoric is quite often, unapologetically and brazenly conservative. If one looks at political messaging of the government in the last 10 years, what is most evident is this resurgence of tradition- of classical moral values, ancient imageries of 'unpolluted' Hindu civilizations, and the supposedly original 'sanatan-dharma'.
However, even more than the political logic of 'positive' contributions that his government can make, the Modi brand of politics is also noticeable for his critiques of the opposition. At the very base level, one can observe the striking suspicion of secularism and modernity by his supporters. The arguments made against these ideals are many- ranging from distrust in the Congress party's 'pseudo-secular' appeasement policies, to the perception of modern liberal phenomenon as western imports. Take for example, the popular discourse surrounding queer movements, where conservatives are all too quick to dismiss even the existence of homosexuality and gender-fluidity, as western phenomenon.
Clearly, in a discourse like this, the location of ideas is very important for the Hindu right. The traditionalist, revivalist model of the right is in this way strikingly similar to the Saidian framework of fighting against imperialism, specifically against a sort of 'cognitive colonialism.' Throughout both these ideas, remains implicit the criticism of "modernity" as a colonialist import. What does this ideology entail however? More importantly, what kind of political bedfellows does it encourage?
Christian commentators in the USA often argue that increasing atheism is a (bad) consequence of modernity. Quite similarly, postmodernists such as Zygmunt Bauman also criticize the period of modernity for its unimpeded rationalism and universalism. Likewise, the uniquity of Indian 'spiritual' culture and its 'ethos', as starkly separated from other 'morally bankrupt' cultures of the west is a well known nationalist talking point. According to conservatives, it is precisely this rationalist approach of Western modernity that has led to a "degradation" of values- particularly religious values.
Weber too, remarked upon the rationalization, and secularization of the modern world. Even Marx was suspicious of the logic of modern capitalism- cold, calculating and irreligious. Marx, however, cannot be considered a postmodernist. He remains one of the most striking examples of "grand narratives" that postmodernists denounce. However, herein lies a problem.
Unlike Trump, who does not seem to have any discernable 'narrative' for his emotional logic and is supported by many as a counterbalance to the left, Modi is not entirely reliant on criticisms. The political messaging of 'Viksit Bharat', 'Akhand Bharat', '2047 project', etc. is clearly relying on a grand narrative, a positive contribution of how the nation 'ought' to be- clearly a modernist idea. One might think, this would disqualify him from being classified as a postmodernist. They would be right.
The similarities however, do not end here.
Another postmodern phenomenon is the radical instability of meaning- personified through irony and the dismissal of any objectivity to truth or fact. Zizek remarks at how Trump is able to defend Israel's position in Palestine, but also simultaneously enables anti-semitism in his "new-right" ideology. His party claims to be representative of family values and traditions, while he himself is on trial for having falsified records to hide a one-night stand with a porn star. This self-referential, irony is characteristic of the Indian 'new'-right as well.
- PM Shri. Narendra Modi, 25th April, 2024
- PM Shri. Narendra Modi, 15th May, 2024
It is not that hate against out-groups is a new phenomenon, but the simultaneous lack of veiling of said hate, along with an ironic denial of it- seems to me to be an exclusively post-modern phenomenon. This is produced by the 'double engine' of postmodernity, where rationality is suspect and 'truth' has validity only in specific cultural contexts. Modi is the epitome of the postmodern condition in this way- because clearly for him, multiple truths co-exist, wah modiji wah!
So, is Modi a postmodernist? No.
Of course not.
At the very basis of a lot of post-modernist philosophy is the question of power. It would be difficult for the most powerful man in the country, who rules not just through formal institutions but also through discursive power over society, politics and the overton window, to then be a postmodernist. Additionally, even though both postmodernists and neo-conservatives are critical of modernity, postmodernists by definition reject grand narratives, even those that narrate 'backwards'. So no, Modi is not a postmodernist. Is his politics however, a representation of the post-modern world? I leave it up to you.
by Pratyush Rudra
Picture Credit: Sudhir Tailang, Here and Now (Rajiv to Modi)
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